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By Vanessa A. Baird

The U.S. perfect court docket is the indispensable instance of a courtroom that elevated its time table into coverage components that have been as soon as reserved for legislatures. but students recognize little or no approximately what explanations awareness to numerous coverage parts to ebb and circulate at the splendid Court’s time table. Vanessa A. Baird’s Answering the name of the court docket: How Justices and Litigants Set the ideally suited courtroom schedule represents the 1st scholarly try and attach justices’ priorities, litigants’ techniques, and mixture coverage outputs of the U.S. splendid courtroom. so much earlier reports at the ideally suited Court’s schedule research case choice, yet Baird demonstrates that the agenda-setting technique starts off lengthy sooner than justices pick out which circumstances they'll pay attention. while justices sign their curiosity in a specific coverage zone, litigants reply through sponsoring well-crafted situations in these coverage parts. nearly 4 to 5 years later, the perfect Court’s schedule in these parts expands, with situations which are relatively extra politically very important and divisive than different instances the courtroom hears. From problems with discrimination and loose expression to welfare coverage, from immigration to financial legislation, strategic supporters of litigation watch out to the objectives of superb court docket justices and produce instances they could use to accomplish these ambitions. because coverage making in courts is iterative, a number of well-crafted instances are wanted for courts to make complete coverage. Baird argues that judicial policy-making energy will depend on the activities of coverage marketers or different litigants who systematically reply to the priorities and personal tastes of preferrred courtroom justices.

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Extra resources for Answering the Call of the Court: How Justices and Litigants Set the Supreme Court Agenda

Sample text

Other scholars, such as Ulmer (1972), have found only weak evidence for the hypothesis that justices are more likely to grant cert. to cases with which they disagree. To explain the dearth of findings in these earlier studies, Brenner (1979) identifies a problem in the research design of some of the studies in that many of them assumed that they should be looking for all the justices’ cert. votes to reflect their attitudes. , then justices have a reduced need to vote according to their policy preferences (1979).

When an issue is said to be “on the agenda,” it could mean, among other things, that the media is paying attention to it, members of institutions are deliberating about it, or the president is making speeches about it. Kingdon (1995) defines the agenda as “the list of subjects or problems to which governmental officials and people outside of government closely associated with those officials are paying attention at any given time” (3). Attention to issues often follows a cycle. A particular issue has the attention of institutions, the media, and the public; then, over time, the issue loses that attention.

To explain the dearth of findings in these earlier studies, Brenner (1979) identifies a problem in the research design of some of the studies in that many of them assumed that they should be looking for all the justices’ cert. votes to reflect their attitudes. , then justices have a reduced need to vote according to their policy preferences (1979). Later, Ulmer (1984) presents evidence that the strategy depends on the content of the case; some cases are more important from a policy perspective, and other cases simply require a legal resolution.

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