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Once the labour policy of the state has been determined through this struggle, it is implemented by a state which appears in relation to the working class as the monolithic and undifferentiated power of capital . The end result is a view of the state in relation to the working class as omnipotent, monoplising the means of violence, commanding almost unlimited economic resources, controlling extensive ideological apparatuses, all of which can be directed to the suppression of unconstitutional action by the working class, and the emasculation of any constitutional offensive .

Thus in questioning the fractionalist account I want to suggest that the debate needs to return to the priorities mapped out by the original contributions . I shall begin my critique by looking at the concept of a 'fraction' that is implicit in the fractionalist accounts . I shall then develop a critique of the underlying concept of class and the associated conception of the state . The unifying theme of the critique is the fractionalist conception of the economic and the political and the corresponding understanding of the relation between the two .

For some reason finance capital is often identified with national and industrial capital, despite its very close foreign and mining connections, and state capital is identified with Afrikaner capital despite the fact that state economic activity is focussed on the provision of infrastructural facilities for the extractive industries (cf . 263-8) . The unfortunate result is that the problem of deciding at which level the fractions ought to be defined is avoided altogether (cf . 5-6) . The proliferation of fractions is not only limited by collapsing distinguishing features into one another .

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