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By Richard D. Floyd

Via shut exam of dozens of electoral contests in conscientiously selected constituencies, the writer demonstrates that the elemental department setting apart the burgeoning liberal and conservative events in England within the 1830s and 1840s used to be faith, and that this controversy used to be what created a perceptible two-party method in British politics.

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7 Such class tensions were unusually advanced in Durham during the first half of the nineteenth century, and the massive bulk and splendor of the cathedral—memorialized by Sir Walter Scott (1771–1832) as ‘Half Church of God, Half castle ’gainst the Scot’8 —no doubt reinforced the sense of inequality. 11 Moreover, Durham’s clerical establishment possessed nearly half of the county’s advowsons. ’12 Denounced by Daniel O’Connel as ‘the meek and modest representative of the clergy of Durham’13 —and considered by many to be ‘the vassal of the peer, and [of] the trained bands of the holy brotherhood of the church’14 —it was alleged Arthur Trevor could hardly be expected to champion the interests of the weak or the poor, or those who dissented from the Church of England, and the Durham Chronicle summed up the conservative candidate as The creature of an unprincipled, reckless, and despicable oligarchy— the enemy of all improvement—the sworn foe of all change, and especially of such as may appear likely to close the national pursestring against the paupers, or we may say truly, the pick-pockets of the state.

E. until its repeal in 1868] was the one for the abolition of church rates ,’77 and this pursuit inspired dissenters like nothing else had since 1828 and 1829. 78 During the next decade, Nottingham experienced at least three major waves of enthusiasm for church rate abolition. All three peaks of agitation corresponded to a parliamentary election—the by-election of July 1834, the general election of July 1837, and the by-election of April 1841—and in all three elections, candidates’ positions on proposed church rate legislation proved to be powerful determinants in the outcome of the contests.

32 These were Johnson’s respective appraisals of the church and of dissent in belief, and of conservatism and liberalism in politics, and were doubtless shared by many. 1852) of the Inner Temple. 33 Indeed, on the basis of some of his positions—to say nothing of his temperament—it seems most appropriate to label Granger a radical. He appeared frequently unrestrained, on the hustings and elsewhere, and, on some accounts had launched a vigorous and highly personal attack on Trevor in the run-up to the 1835 contest.

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