By Michael Barnhart
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Extra info for Congress and United States Foreign Policy: Controlling the Use of Force in the Nuclear Age
We are so ignorant and foolish that we neither know (how to), nor can, give advice about it; wherefore we pray . . to excuse us and Page 21 that it please you, by the counsel of the lords and wise men of your council to ordain . . what seems necessary to you for the honour and profit of the Realm. And whatever is finally ordained by the assent and accord of you and the above mentioned lords, we gladly assent to and hold firm and established. A similar response was given in 1383, when the speaker of the Commons told the first of the Lancastrian kings, Richard II (13771399), that a proposed military campaign in France or any similar act of war was a matter for the lords rather than the Commons.
Opposed to vesting this power ["to make war"] in the legislature. Its proceedings were too slow. " Pinckney, however, had previously expressed his opposition to allocating the power of "peace and war" to the president, 17 and although he questioned whether the legislature as a whole should be allocated the war power, he apparently believed that the best alternative was to allocate the power of making war to the Senate. '' After Pinckney spoke, Pierce Butler, also of South Carolina, took the position that the power to "make war" should be allocated to the president, saying, according to Madison's notes: "The objections against the legislature lie, in a great degree, against the Senate.
William Eastman, director of SUNY Press, was as accommodating in arranging for publication as anyone could hope for. Ann Forkin and Ann Brody at Stony Brook were indispensable as well. Page 1 PART ONE CONGRESS AND THE WAR POWER Page 3 Introduction ANN-MARIE SCHEIDT One of the tenets of the historical profession is that an understanding of the past is necessary for the comprehension of the present. Professor William Gibbons dedicates his paper to this principle by setting out to show how the war power in the United States Constitutionan eighteenth century documentis the product of still earlier experience with war dating to, even beyond, the Magna Carta, itself the product of dispute over an executive's use of the war power.