By Hugh Barlow, Scott H. Decker
Crime coverage needs to be guided through technology instead of ideology, argue Hugh Barlow and Scott Decker during this incisive and unique choice of essays. constructing the price and significance of linking concept and perform, the participants to "Criminology and Public coverage" supply a entire remedy of the key theories in criminology and their implications for felony justice, crime keep an eye on, and the bigger realm of justice. In employing theories to genuine global matters - resembling decreasing crime and violence, prisoner reentry rules, gang habit, and therapy courts - the members take either a macro and micro point technique. They locate, too, that it is usually tough to show conception into perform. nonetheless, the very try out pushes the felony justice method towards doable options instead of ideological techniques, an orientation the editors think will result in better development in battling one in all our society's maximum problems. participants comprise: Robert Agnew, Ronald L. Akers, Gordon Bazemore, Ronald V. Clarke, J. Heith Copes, Frank Cullen, Marcus Felson, Marie Griffin, Scott Jacques, David Kauzlarich, Jean McGloin, Steven Messner, Alex Piquero, Nicole LeeperPiquero, Nancy Rodriguez, Richard B. Rosenfeld, sunrise Rothe, Andrea Schoepfer, Neal Shover, Cassia Spohn, Katherine Tellis, Charles Tittle, Richard Wright and the editors.
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Additional resources for Criminology and Public Policy: Putting Theory to Work
Further, criminal coping is more likely among those who hold beliefs favorable to crime. Such beliefs, in fact, often define crime as a justifiable or excusable response to a range of strains, such as provocations by others and the inability to obtain money through legal channels. Related to this, criminal coping is more likely among those with criminal friends. Such friends often reinforce criminal coping, model criminal coping, teach beliefs favorable to criminal coping, and otherwise encourage such coping.
Some strains are associated with high social control—for example, parents impose rules that juveniles do not like and sanction juveniles for violating those rules. Other strains are associated with low social control. For example, individuals who are chronically unemployed have little investment in conventional activities. These strains are more likely to result in crime, since individuals who experience them face weaker restraints to crime. 28 Rober t Agnew Finally, strains differ in the extent to which they create pressure or incentive for criminal coping.
Parents may help their children avoid strains. For example, parents may tell their children that certain activities are risky or that they should not associate with certain dangerous others. And parents may intervene when strains occur in an 36 Rober t Agnew effort to end or alleviate the strains. For example, parents may intervene to end a dispute with another child. ) Parents, however, dramatically reduce these behaviors as their children become adolescents. This is partly due to the fact that adolescents spend much less time at home and are more reluctant to share information with parents, making monitoring difficult.