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By Peter Armstrong

The sponsorship of the entrepreneur as an agent of financial progress is now on the centre of an unlimited promotional undefined, related to politicians, executive departments and better schooling. This publication examines the origins of this phenomenon and matters its mythologies, hero-figures and rules to an empirically dependent severe exam.

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In doing so, they ran straight into the contradictions involved in legislating for independence. The problem for the independent storekeepers was that they could be consistently undercut by larger operators who could negotiate quantity discounts from the manufacturers. Their first response was to use their prominence in local politics to impose taxes and development restrictions on the chain stores and to require certain goods which were supposedly safety-critical (such as sewing-machines) to be distributed only through licensed dealers.

One of the Conservative Research Department’s officers vividly recalls her one-and-only visit in 1975, shortly after she had been elected leader of the party. At the time, a colleague was delivering a paper advocating the then-traditional ‘middle way’ of British Conservatism. Cockett’s account of Mrs Thatcher’s manner of debate is irresistible: ‘Before he had finished speaking to his paper, the new party leader reached into her briefcase and took out a book. It was Freidrich von Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty.

In exchange for co-operating with the voluntary wage-price controls proposed by Carter, the Round Table negotiated concessions on corporation tax, de-regulation and cuts in non-defense federal spending. By now, however, any kind of business support for government controls was beginning to attract catcalls from the neo-conservatives (McQuaid, 1982, pp. 302–4). They needn’t have worried. At the level of public relations at least, Carter’s controls turned out to be the dying twitch of American corporatism and in 1980, the neo-cons got what they wanted in the amiable form of President Reagan.

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