Download Europe and the Politics of Language: Citizens, Migrants and by Máiréad Nic Craith PDF

By Máiréad Nic Craith

This is often a new research of audio system of professional, minority and disputed languages in an ever-changing ecu context. huge coverage concerns and the functionality of the variety of tools of coverage at neighborhood, nationwide and eu degrees are illustrated just about specific cultural case experiences.

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Extra resources for Europe and the Politics of Language: Citizens, Migrants and Outsiders (Palgrave Studies in Minority Languages and Communities)

Sample text

2 Statehood, Citizenship and Language Language as a concept appears perfectly obvious. We all identify with a mother tongue and recognise, and perhaps even speak several other languages. Like Europe, languages give the impression of having existed from time immemorial. Whether in fact this is the case is another matter. Political scientists and theorists are increasingly of the view that language, like any tradition, is a constructed concept. ‘The concept of “a language” – at least in the sense which appears so banally obvious to “us” – may itself be an invented permanency, developed during the age of the nation-state’ (Billig 1995: 30).

The Agreement confirmed the equality of the Latin and Cyrillic scripts used by Croat and Serb populations respectively. Following on this Agreement, the 1963 Constitutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia pronounced Serbo-Croatian as the official language while Croatia reversed the order and declared their tongue to be Croato-Serbian. This was an early indication of the dissatisfaction that would later emerge publicly. Within a decade of the Novi Sad Agreement there was acrimony regarding the compilation of the first two volumes of the Dictionary of the Serbo-Croatian Literary Language.

In the initial stages the debate focused purely on linguistics but quickly escalated to symbolise the discontent of Croatian academics generally with their position within the federation. This dissatisfaction served as the catalyst for a new Declaration on the Name and the Position of the Croatian Literary Language in 1967, which was endorsed by 18 Croatian institutions and 140 Croatian intellectuals, many of whom had previously signed the Novi Sad Agreement. In their rejection of the earlier Agreement, the intellectuals declared Croatian and Serbian as distinct and separate literary languages and challenged the Constitution to recognise four separate literary languages – namely Croatian, Macedonian, Serbian and Slovenian.

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