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By Robert E. Hunter

The ecu Union's new eu defense and safety coverage (ESDP) is an immense step towards complete ecu integration, in parallel with growth towards a typical international and safeguard coverage. the us helps ESDP--but at the foundation that it's created inside NATO, separable yet now not cut loose the Alliance, and drawing customarily on NATO's army resources. This booklet tells the tale of ESDP's courting to NATO--and what needs to be performed to make sure that the storehouse of ecu defense is elevated and transatlantic team spirit is preserved.

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Extra resources for European Security and Defense Policy : NATO's Companion or Competitor?

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S. Congress. There, skepticism about ESDI-ESDP has been almost constant since about the time of the Franco-British St. Mâlo declaration (December 1998), if not before. S. influence in Europe would be decisively weakened. Part of the problem may lie in the sheer complexity of the issues and institutional developments. These have related very much to the internal workings of NATO, the WEU,7 and the EU, and they have drawn upon decades of process and practice; they engage what all three bodies in Brussels characterize as points of “theology,” of basic lore about what each institution does and what it does not do— recognizing that each is composed of sovereign states that nevertheless have learned over many years of trial and error to work effectively together, in critical and unprecedented ways.

However, see footnote 6, below. 5 See, for instance, Van Eeekelen, October 6, 1999, op. , Dropping Article V [of the Brussels Treaty for new WEU/ESDP members] would be a step back in terms of solidarity. Maintaining it should not be difficult, as nobody foresees this cause being implemented outside the collective defence provided by NATO. This point also gives the answer to US concerns about “back-door” guarantees if the EU and WEU admit new members who do not wish—or are unable—to join NATO as well.

Indeed, its construction permitted a wide range of interpretations, and those by British and French officials immediately began emphasizing quite different parts of the declaration. Much of it drew on prior EU agreements, although they had rarely been gathered together and highlighted politically in this way. Also, St. 3 At first reading, the St. ” But it also appeared to break new ground. While it honored the collective defense provisions of the Washington Treaty’s Article 5, it was silent on the Berlin-Brussels agreements about NATO’s (implicit) primacy and the notion that there should not be “two NATOs”—one for Article 5 and one for non-Article 5 tasks.

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