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By Robert C. Stern, Don Greer, Kevin Wornkey

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43 The budget proposed by Representative Paul Ryan (R-WI) and embraced by the Tea Party and the Republicans in Congress reflects this same logic. Starting in 2022, the Ryan budget would provide only vouchers for private insurance to new beneficiaries, but would protect traditional Medicare for people who already have it. The inconsistency here is not the point, any more than the inconsistencies in the use and misuse of states’ rights. But it confirms the value of Lisa Disch’s (Chapter 5 in this volume) insight about the Tea Party operating within the framework of rights and privileges defined by the New Deal.

Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Press, 1981), 3–16. 11. James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895–1943 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978). 12. Elizabeth Sanders, Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers, and the American State, 1877–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). 13. Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York: Vintage, 1983). 14. Robert A.  1 (New York: Vintage, 1990).

41 Today’s conservatives often support expanded federal power on their side of the equation. Most Tea Party activists would welcome a strengthened federal hand in the restriction of abortion, for example, or in the prohibition of homosexual marriages. After 9/11, when the George W. Bush administration expanded federal police powers, only a few libertarians in the conservative camp protested federal overreach. The same goes for the Bush administration’s attempts to override California’s climate change law, or the medical marijuana laws several states adopted.

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